ON GERMAN KNIGHTS IN DENMARK DURING THE REIGN
OF VALDEMAR ATTERDEG 1340-1375
German nobility in
14th century Denmark has traditionally been viewed in
nationalistic light. The influx of German nobles during the reigns
of Eric Menved and Christopher II, as well as during the following
period of Holsatian domination has been seen as a national disaster,
from which the nation recovered during the reign of Valdemar IV.
The German nobles have been seen as strangers, opposed to the native
nobility, and whose influence and ties to the kingdom of Denmark
were only temporary. Hence they have, apart from a few leading men,
largely been treated as an anonymous mass.
 In later studies the German nobility has received a more
nuanced treatment. Michael Linton’s and Niels Bracke’s respective
dissertations on Queen Margrethes and Valdemar IV reigns both address
the immigration of German nobility and evaluate to a certain extent
the emerging ties between the native and immigrated nobles. Due
to the focus on royal administration – and rather scarce sources
- both center on a few powerful families. 
The German immigration and integration of all families has been
studied by Esben Albrectsen and H.V. Gregersen, but only within
the boundaries of Southern Jutland.
'>  Even though the Germans have been studied as single families
and as a group in the context of Southern Jutland, there seems to
be a lack of an overview of the group in the whole kingdom of Denmark.
Object and limitations of this study
In this paper I shall discuss German chivalry
in Denmark between the years 1340 and 1375, during the reign of
Valdemar IV aka Atterdag. I survey German knights with emphasis
on the men under royal lordship. I have concentrated on the knights
as an aristocratic group, leaving out the military and the courtly
aspects of chivalry. The period I study is relatively short in order
to enable the entire group to be viewed.
As my main source I have used the Diplomatarium Danicum-series,
parts III, 1 to III, 10, in which practically all the documents
pertinent to Danish history of the period have been published. With
systematic analysis of the material I have mapped how large a group
the German knights formed and have tried to analyse their position
in the ruling elite of the kingdom of Denmark.
The composition and size of the studied group
The German knights in Denmark had rather varied backgrounds. Some
were descendants of nobles who had immigrated already in late 13th
century, and who by now may have been totally integrated to Danish
nobility. A large number were connected to the counts of Holstein,
who had acquired large Danish domains in the early 14th
century, especially in the 1320s. And thirdly, King Valdemar IV
attracted to his service individual knights from all over northern
It is impossible
to give very accurate numbers on Danish nobility at any given point
before the 16th century.
 In the 14th century the sources are so
scattered – even among the knights, who by this time were increasingly
forming an elite set apart from more rustic gentry by their dubbing
– that it is unlikely that everyone is mentioned.
 The numbers I present on German knights are based
on the same incomplete material and should not be seen as absolute
figures. Rather, they form a basis for rough estimates and comparisons.
Danicum parts III, 1 - 10, there are to be found around 300 knights
who have not been given an ethnic attribute by the editors and who
were alive, or probably alive, during the period 1340-1375. From
the context it can be seen that they appeared in Denmark.
 In the same sources 65 knights of foreign birth
and connected to king Valdemar IV appear. That is, these men appear
in treaties as members of the king’s party, as his witnesses and
signatories and sometimes as paid members of his retinue. The majority
of these are included in the rough total of 300 knights, but not
all.  They thus form a sizeable minority of approximately
the foreign knights in royal service there were knights serving
dukes of Schlesvig and the counts of Holstein who should be accounted
for. The group of knights in the service of the dukes Valdemar and
Henry is altogether rather insignificant – only twelve appear in
all the letters issued by the dukes between 1340-1375. Three of
these also served the king at other times. The group includes five
men whose families were from Holstein. These men are all included
in the total of about 300.
serving the counts of Holstein are a much larger group. The same
material of the Diplomatarium Danicum mentions 54 knights its editors
have defined as Holsatians.
 The group is only slightly smaller than the group
serving the king. How many of these had close connection with Denmark
proper, however, is open to question. Some did – serving their masters
in Seeland, Funen and other areas under Holsatian influence.
some overlap between the different groups. Men who changed their
affiliation from the counts of Holstein to become knights of the
king form one of the clearest trends. Only five men did the transition
as documentable knights.  Ten – who appear
first in the service of the counts of Holstein - are mentioned as
knights only after they have gone over to the service of king Valdemar.
 At least seven more had family connections to those
in Holsatian service even though there is no evidence of them personally
serving the Counts.
 These 22 form the largest single group of foreign
knights in Valdemar IV service. Others from among the king’s knights
came from varied backgrounds, with those of Pomeranian ancestry
forming the largest group followed by those connected to Mecklenburg
and Brunswick.  With the overlap
between different groups taken into account the total number of
knights becomes 118. Since all the Holsatian men cannot be connected
directly with Denmark proper the number of foreign knights active
in Denmark between 1340-1375 must be estimated somewhat lower, the
true number probably lying between 80 and 100.
of immigration varied as much as the place from where the knights
emigrated. For some the German roots have already been two or three
generations old by 1340 -1375.
 On the other hand, the group also includes first
generation immigrants, who had arrived after 1340. These include
among others one of the most influential men of the period, Henning
Podebusk from Rügen.
Integration into Danish power structures
The integration of German knights into Danish power structures
is a multifaceted question. On one hand it is a question of being
employed by princely authority and being delegated royal powers.
On the other hand it is a question of acquiring control of land
and gaining entrance to noble networks of mutual support, of having
and cultivating an independent power base.
During the reign of Valdemar
IV there were several competing centres of power in Denmark. The
most powerful – and growing in influence throughout the period -
was royal authority. From a meagre start in 1340 it expanded its
territorial sphere of influence through most of Valdemars reign.
The counts of Holstein formed a second, competing centre of territorial
authority. Their territorial power base in Denmark was diminishing
due to the royal redemption of mortgages and reconquest. The third
authority was the dukes of Schlesvig whose influence was eclipsed
by both royal and comital power. 
Apart from these territorial princes the
nobles themselves had considerable power – partly due to their own
allodial landed property but also through control of mortgaged royal
domains and fiefs. Besides income these granted their holders administrative
and military powers. Through networks of alliances, family and marital
ties nobles would try to enhance their individual status and also
employ their power in a collective manner.
Knights of foreign lineage had a strong presence in the royal administration before 1341 all the key offices - marshal, seneschal and the
chancellor - were occupied by men sent by the king’s German allies.
Their masters called most of these men back after May 1341.
 Of these individuals, only the marshal, Friederich
von Lochen, continued to serve the Danish king again after 1355.  New men appeared
after 1341, but even among these those of foreign ancestry were
strongly present: the long time seneschal Claus Limbæk, the chamberlain
Evert Moltke, prefect of Scania Fikke Moltke and Henning Podebusk,
first prefect of Scania and later seneschal, were all German.
were also present in the council of state. A short overview of some
key documents from 1360 onwards showed that at least 20 of the 65
foreign knights serving Valdemar Atterdag were at some point referred
to formally as councillors of the king. Informally, by merely appearing
as signatories of the king, the number would be larger. Besides
knights some powerful German squires were also members. The German
men are roughly equal in numbers to the native Danish members of
the council. 
foreign influence was also marked in the control of the royal castles,
which had both administrative and military significance. According
to the frequently quoted calculations of Erik Arup over half of
all the known castle captains in the 1360s were German. Throughout
the whole period the Germans were not quite as numerous, but were
still strongly represented.  Germans were thus firmly present in the military administration
of Valdemar IV’s realm.
argument has been made that Valdemar IV used Germans and Danish
nobles of lesser status since they lacked the connections to noble
networks.  Owing their position solely to the king and
lacking powerful family support they would have been forced to loyalty.
This argument requires that one define foreigners rather narrowly;
the networks of German and Danish nobility overlap to a certain
the majority of German knights in Denmark family connections remain
largely unknown. 
(In this respect the Germans are not different from the Danish.
 ) For the rest information is mostly incomplete, but something
maybe observed of the leading families.
those whose family had resided in the kingdom of Denmark for one
or two generations the leading men seem to have been able to integrate
rather seamlessly into existing noble networks. The former castle
captain of the counts of Holstein, Claus v. Limbæk demonstrated
this in a most spectacular way. Bound with family ties to leading
Jutish noble families, serving in the highest secular office of
the realm yet repeatedly acting as one of the leaders of the Jutish
nobility in its rebellions, his repeated returns to office bear
witness both to his personal power and the collective power of the
Jutish nobles. 
some of the king’s most loyal servants – the Moltkes and Henning
Podebusk – had been able to marry their sons into some of the leading
Danish noble families.  It is interesting to note
that these connections are mainly to families with their origins
in Seeland, and who had also gained their prominence through royal
from the Danish connections the newcomers retained connections to
their German relatives and possessions. Michael Linton has seen
this as a planned family strategy.
 The resulting ties could be used for the benefit of a
noble’s master, as in 1362 when Fikke Moltke negotiated truce with
the Hanse in Rostock and used his relatives and friends in Mecklenburg
as guarantors. 
On the other hand too close ties to subjects of potential enemies
could entice to changing sides. 
of the landed property of German knights during this period is fragmentary.
(As is knowledge of all noble domains outside Seeland.)  For about one third of the foreign knights
serving Valdemar IV there is some indication of Danish landed property
during our period. The group of whose Danish property there is no
information on is as large or slightly larger. Even Henning Podebusk,
the man who held the highest power in realm during the king’s absence
in 1368-1372, belongs to this group. 
where evidence of domains has survived it is usually incomplete;
at best central manors and castles are known, the total extent of
domains is practically never given.
 What seems clear is that several of the immigrating families
could amass remarkable domains.  Linton has argued that especially the nobility
of Holstein had access to a large amount of capital, which allowed
them to gather large domains in a short period of time.  Erik Ulsig on the other hand has stressed the difficulties
in consolidating such domains. The rapid dissolution of apparently
large domains of family Moltke from 1380s onwards would indicate
that the Moltkes would have either have only held partial shares
in their many manors or held them through mortgages.
property, whether allodial, mortgaged or held as a fief from the
king, formed one of the bases of social prestige for the nobility.
To a certain extent it shaped and determined the natural networks
of loyalty. The recruitment area for royal service was predominantly
the area under royal control. Through analysis of the king’s witnesses
Erik Ulsig has found that for the early reign of Valdemar IV, up
to 1343, the arrival of new signatories correlates directly with
the spread of royal territory.  This is formally evident in treaties transferring the fealty
of castle captains in redeemed areas.
 It explains the recruitment of at least part of king Valdemar’s
Holsatian servants and helps to explain further the Jutish sympathies
of the Ahlefeldts and Limbæks.
ties were not the only determining factor. Firstly men could have
interests and holdings in several princes’ spheres of lordship,
especially in the 1340s. In the making of peace between the King
and the counts of Holstein in 1353 it had to be specifically agreed
that the servants of the king would be allowed to enjoy their possessions
in Holstein unhindered.  Even though an agreement was
made, the fact that it was felt to be necessary may be seen as the
symptom of a trend towards defining authority through territory,
where multiple loyalties were becoming ever more anomalous.
Secondly, a lack of territorial interests and holdings would have
made it desirable to seek a new master. The career of Henning Podebusk
might be an example of such a move, though he did have a share in
the family property in Rügen. The way the majority of king Valdemar’s
Holsatian servants received their accolade after becoming royal
servants would, in my opinion, suggest that these men for the most
part had not had significant territorial possessions or well established
positions in the service of the counts.
The Danish reaction?
How did the Danish nobility react to the newcomers? There have
been speculations that the influx of Germans would have led to occasional
violent clashes between the native nobility and the immigrants.
Solid evidence for this seems to be lacking though.
It seems that the process of immigration was mainly peaceful. Between
the leading families of Jutish and Holsatian nobility marriage alliances
seem to have been rather normal occurrences. Also the leading men
of Valdemar Atterdag had been able to get their sons married into
rich families. These families have apparently found such ties useful.
The nobility of Jutland rebelled against Valdemar IV on several
occasions. The sources are not very clear on their exact motives.
Practically only one contemporary and local source, the Younger
Chronicle of Seeland, tells that in 1359 the Jutes refused to take
the increasing burdens of royal works onto themselves, like the
people of Seeland. 
Apart from this case, the rebellions are seen mainly as personal
clashes between the king and the Jutish leaders.  In contrast to the 1320s there
is no hint that the resentment of foreigners would be among the
motives of the rebels. Quite the contrary – some of the rebels themselves
were of foreign ancestry and the rebels seem to have had no scruples
against allying with foreign princes. 
presence of Germans as castle captains and in the council was against
the handfæstnings of 1320 and 1326.
 There are no comments against this either in the tractate
of 1354 from or the 1360 land peace ordinance, even though the king
in both cases pledged to respect old privileges.  Even though the nobles attempted to limit
the royal powers after the death of Valdemar IV there was no attempt
at denying the Germans these posts in the handfæstning of
king Oluf in 1376.  The native nobility seems to have accepted,
or been forced to accept, German participation in administration.
did the German knights fare when compared to those with native ancestry?
The number of knights living or actively serving in Denmark between
1340 and 1375 could be approximated to between 300 and 320. This
estimate includes between 80 and 100 foreign knights, 65 knights
serving the Danish king, to which can be added the somewhat smaller
groups of knights serving the counts of Holstein and the dukes of
Schlesvig in Denmark. Very roughly one might estimate that between
one quarter and one third of the knights in Denmark at the time
were of German origin.
The German knights, with their status as knights and royal councillors,
belong to the highest divisions of nobility as defined by Troels
Dahlerup: magnates and nobles.
 Lack of evidence prevents for the most part evaluating
whether they had property that corresponded with this status. According
to Ulsig the newcomers could not compete in allodial property with
native nobility whose domains had been gathered through generations.  On the other hand at least some of the newcomers
could gather remarkable domains – even though only parts of them
may have been allodial.
The German knights seem to have had a stronger presence in royal
administration than their numbers alone would justify. Together
with their apparent lack of stable landed property this might indicate
that the Germans were more likely to be dubbed knights on account
of long service than members of the native nobility. To acquire
conclusive results on this, however, further studies into the individual
careers of both German and Danish knights would be needed.
The marriage ties that bound members of the families Moltke, Podebusk,
Limbæk and Ahlefeldt to some of the greatest land-owning families
in Denmark might indicate that their landed possessions were comparable
to the native magnates’ possessions. It clearly suggests that they
achieved social parity with the leading Danish nobles. At the same
time they illustrate the networks formed between German and Danish
nobility on its top level.
German knights formed a heterogeneous group both in their origins
and their fortunes. The leading families illustrate what they could
aspire to, but leave open the question how well the average German
knight fared socially and economically.
Annales Danici Medii Ævi.
II. Editionem nouam curauit. Ellen Jørgensen. Selskabet for udgivelse
af kilder til Dansk historie. Andet hefte. København 1920.
Diplomatarium Danicum. Part III. Volumes 1- 10. Eds. C.A.Christensen,
Knud Friis Johansen and Herluf Nielsen. German texts. H. Bach and
Peter Jørgensen. Det Danske sprog- og litteraturselskab, København
1958- 1982. Footnotes refer to volume and number of diploma.
Esben, Herredømmet over Sønderjylland 1375-1404. Den Danske historiske Forening, København
Arup, Erik, Danmarks historie II. H.Hagerups, København 1932.
Bracke, Niels, Die Regierung Waldemars IV. : Eine Untersuchung zum Wandel
von Herrschaftstrukturen im spätmittelalterlichen Dänemark.
Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1999.
Anders, Kongen og hans magt. In Ingesman et al. (ed.) 1999 Middelalderens
Danmark. Kultur og Samfund Fra Trosskifte till reformation.
Gads, København 1999. pp. 68-79.
Aksel E., Kongemagt og Aristokrati. Ejnar Munkgaards, København
Dahlerup, Troels, “Danmark“; Den Nordiske Adel I Senmiddelalderen.
Rapporter til det Nordiske historikermøde I København 1971.
Dahlerup, Troels, Inledning om Senmiddelalderen. In Ingesman
Per & Jensen, Jens Villiam (ed.) 2001. pp.17-26.
Henrik & Madsen, Lennart S., Voldsteder og herremænd i Nordslesvig.
In Enemark, Poul & Ingesman, Per & Jensen, Jens Villiam
(ed.), Kongemagt og Samfund i Middelalderen. Arusia, Århus
1988. pp. 363-390.
Gregersen H.V, Plattysk i Sønderjylland. Odense Universitetsforlag,
Ingesman, Per & Jensen, Jens Villiam (ed.), Riget, magten
og æren. Den Danske Adel 1350-1660. Aarhus Universitetsforlag,
Linton, Michael, Drottning Margareta, Fullmäktig fru och rätt
University Books, Stockholm 1971.
Knud, Arme riddere. Om riddertitlen og mulighederne for at opdelel
middelalderens adel i sociale grupper. In Enemark, Poul &
Ingesman, Per & Jensen, Jens Villiam (ed.), Kongemagt og
Samfund i Middelalderen. Arusia, Århus 1988. pp. 191-208.
Knud, Adelens omfang i middelalderen. In
Ingesman, Per & Jensen, Jens Villiam (ed.) 2001. pp. 26-43
Tägil, Sven, Valdemar Atterdag och Europa. Gleerups, Lund
Ulsig, Erik, Danske Adelsgodser i Middelalderen. Skrifter
udgivet af det historiske institut ved Københavns universitet, København
Ulsig, Erik, Valdemar Atterdags Mænd. in Festskift til Troels
Dahlerup. Arusia, Århus 1985. pp. 257-276.
Ulsig, Erik, Højmiddelalder in Ingesman et al. (ed.)Middelalderens
Danmark. Kultur og Samfund Fra Trosskifte till reformation.
Gads, København 1999. pp. 25-39.
Ulsig Erik, Adel og Konge. In Ingesman, Per & Jensen, Jens
Villiam (ed.) 2001. pp.78-104.
 Arup 1932, p. 109; Christensen 1945, pp. 100-110; Ulsig 1968, 188-191;
Ulsig 1999, 3637; Bøgh 1999, 36-37.
 Michael Linton, Drottning Margreta fullmäktig fru och rätt husbonde,
1971; Niels Bracke: Die Regierung Waldemars IV. 1999
 Esbern Albrectsen, Herredømmet over Sønderjylland 1375-1404, 1981;
H.V. Gregersen: Plattysk I Sønderjylland.
 Dahlerup 2001, p. 19; Prange 2001, p. 40 In this article Prange has
evaluated different approximations on number of families, but
points to incompleteness of written sources.
 Prange 1988, p. 195, gives a good example of deficiencies in the sources.
Dominus Hinric Plot is not mentioned in any written source.
His name and coat of arms survive only through a stained glass
window from Døllefjerde church.
 302 – 15 (only) mentioned to be dead before 1349, 20 mentioned only
being dead, but after 1350. This number includes knights in Scania,
although the province was under Swedish lordship until 1360.
This number includes those
of foreign birth who were not directly connected to some foreign
prince like the counts of Holstein. I have pruned out those with
no connection to Denmark, for example some relatives of the powerful
Henning Podebusk who seem never to have left his native Rügen.
 Family connections have been defined mainly with the help of Anders
Thiset: Nyt Dansk Adelslexikon. Kjøbenhavn 1904. I have
also counted as foreigners those whose ancestry, according to
Thiset, points to Southern Jutland, namely members of the families
Ahlefeld, Limbæk, Kalf, Urne and Staverskov.
 The rest were of families who first appeared in Southern Jutland,
which may hide German ancestry.
 54 – most have similar relationships to the counts as the king’s men
have to the king. The group does, however, include at least one
knight, Machorius Brusehaver, who as a knight only appears in
fealty to the Danish king.
 Timme Godendorp 1348, Henrik Spliet between 1348 and 1353, Hartvig
Krummedige between 1351 and 1353, Timme Meinerstorp between 1359
 Benedict Ahlefeld, Hartvig Breyde, Henning Meinerstorp, Johan Hummersbüttel,
Kersten Kule, Klaus Limbæk, Lyder Limbæk, Lydeke Skinkel Kune,
Machorius Brusehaver, Markward Groper.
 Eler Porsfeld, Lyder Kale, Detlev v. Siggem, Klaus Kudy Limbæk, Henning
Meinerstorp, and Henneke Limbæk. This includes families defined
by Thiset as Southern Jutish.
 10 From Pomerania, 7 from Mecklenburg, 5 from Brunswick, 3 from Saxony,
2 each from Brandenburg and Württemberg, and 10 of unknown origins.
 Four of the five from Brunswickians were from a junior branch of the
family of the counts of Eberstein and at this stage rather isolated
from their German relatives. The Pomeranians were dominated by
members of different branches of the Moltke family. Members of
both these families had already come to the country before the
 The fact that before 1360 Scania
was part of the Swedish king’s realm has been ignored here.
 A crisis in Germany required the Wittelsbach allies of Valdemar IV
to recall the men they had sent. Tägil 1962, p. 103-104; Ulsig 1985, p. 266-267.
 1355, Diplomatarium Danicum. Part III. 4, 259.
 The term seneschal is here used for drots or dapifer,
chamberlain for kammermester or camerarius and prefect
 1369, Diplomatarium Danicum. Part III. 8, 369: 26 royal signatories,
the ratio of Germans to Danes was 13/13; also in 1369 Diplomatarium
Danicum. Part III. 8, 370: the ratio was 7/9; and the same
year Diplomatarioum Danicum. Part III. 8, 371: the ratio
was 13/12; in 1370 Diplomatarium Danicum. Part III. 8,
450: the ratio was 12/15. The absence of the rebelling Jutish
nobility may skew the statistics.
 Arup 1932, p. 109. Of the 70 castle captains mentioned in Diplomatarium
Danicum III 23 were foreigners. Bracke 1999, p. 109.
 Arup 1932, p. 109; Christensen 1945, pp. 190-191; Ulsig 1985, p. 270;
Bracke 1999, p. 108-110.
 The papers from between 1340 and 1375 contain no information on the
families of 45 of the 65 knights with foreign origin serving Valdemar
 Prange 1988. pp. 192-195, passim.
 Connected with marriage to the family of Stig Andersen Hvide in 1363
(Diplomatarium Danicum. Part III. 6, 166), and also through
his daughters marriage to Ivar Nielsen (Rosencrantz). He took
part in all three Jutish rebellions, and was the rebels’ spokesman
when peace was made in 1360 (Diplomatarium Danicum. Part III.
5, 289). Bracke has argued that Claus Limbæks repeated returns
were the king’s appeasement of Jutish nobility. Bracke1999, pp.
49-55, 62-63. Compare Ulsig 2001, p. 100. (As visible symbol of
his might Claus Limbæk held the important castle of Kalø.)
 Ulsig 1968, pp. 173-181. The Moltkes had connections both to the families
Lunge and Falk. The sons of Henning Podebusk had ties both to
the Vendelbo and Skarsholm families.
 Linton 1971, pp. 187-190. The best examples would be the families
Podebusk and Moltke whose Danish members took active part in administering
their possessions in Rügen and Pomerania.
 Diplomatarium Danicum. Part
III. 6, 244. There are other examples from the treaty
of Nebbe in 1348, where the fealty of a castle captain was to
be transferred from one liege to another if the was broken. Diplomatarium
Danicum. Part III, 3, 40 and 41.
 Linton has suspected that the early successes of the rebels in 1368
were due to too sympathetic castle captains. Linton 1971, p. 52.
 Somewhat sufficient sources have survived only in Seeland.
 21 with indication of domains, 26 lacking totally, 12 who have been
titled as holding castles and 6 uncertain.
 The exception to this is Claus Limbæk, the seneschal. Based on a contemporary
marriage contract (Diplomatarium Danicum. Part III. 6,166)
his yearly income from land rent has been estimated to be at least
50 læster of produce, while Stig Andersen (Hvide), the
other party, who was one of the leading Jutish landowners, enjoyed
about 75 læster. Ulsig 1368, p. 112. Of Klaus Limbæks holdings
the castle of Kalø, which he originally held from the counts of
Holstein, later from the king, must be noted.
 Benedict Ahlefelt, had the fief of Næsbyhoved,
the manors Grimstrup and Hagenskov. Albrectsen 1981, pp. 292-293.
Lyder Limbæk held the whole Lundtoft herred as a mortgaged fief
with Søgård castle as allodial property. Albrectsen 1981, p.
306. Evert Moltke af Bjernede left to his sons the manors Farebaksholm,
Bavelse and Hegnede. Ulsig 1968, p. 178. Fikke Moltke af Skafterup
had his manor Skafterup and also held Vordingborg, Kalø, Randers
and Nebbe castles from the king at different times. Ulsig
1968, p. 178.
 Linton 1971, pp. 186-190.
 Ulsig 1968, pp. 171-181. The fates of family Begere and Bent Byg demonstrate that consolidation
could be equally hard for those with native ancestry. ibid. pp.
 Ulsig 1985, pp. 267-269
 The 1348 treaty of Nebbe, DD 3 III, 40 and 41.
 The 1353 treaty of Vindinge River, Diplomatarium Danicum. Part
III. 4, 44.
 On alleged feuding between Claus Limbæk and Valdemar
Sappi in southern Jutland see Gregersen 1974, p. 73. On indications
of folkeviser, Fangel & Madsen 1988, p. 373.
 The Younger chronicle of Seeland in Annales Danici Medii Ævi. II,
 In 1351 there was a quarrel between the king and Claus Limbæk. The
failure of the negotiations of Kalundborg made dominus
Bugge and other rebel lords angrier than they had been before.
In 1358 the king was suspected of murdering certain Jutish nobles
in Middelfart, even though he swore innocence in 1359. Stig Andersen,
whose son was one of the slain, refused to be pacified. Annales
Danici Medii Ævi. II pp. 175, 182-187.
 And even doing so formally in 1368 Diplomatarium Danicum. Part
III. 8, 130 ja 142.
 Bracke 1999, pp. 109-110.
 1354 Diplomatarium Danicum. Part III. 4,
131, 1360 Diplomatarium Danicum. Part III. 5, 325
 Bracke 1999, pp. 109-110.
 Dahlerup 1971, p. 48.
 Ulsig 1368, pp. 181-188. In
fact he has in his dissertation evaluated that certain knights’
holdings in Lolland, of which the evidence is fragmentary, cannot
have been significant because he was German. Ibid. p. 194.