YOUNG CHURCH IN GOD'S NEW VINEYARD
THE MOTIFS OF GROWTH AND FERTILITY IN HENRY'S CHRONICLE OF LIVONIA
The Chronicle of Henry
of Livonia (Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae), written in about
1224-1227, is the most valuable source of information concerning
the crusade to Livonia and Estonia in the early 13th century.  The chronicle covers a period of about forty years, as it starts
with the arrival of the missionary bishop Meinhardus to Livonia
in about 1184 and ends with the final conquest and conversion of
Estonia in 1227. 
Even though the
author remains anonymous, it is widely accepted that he was the
parish priest Heinricus, who is mentioned several times in the text
and who participated actively in the described events.
The text is above
all a missionary chronicle, as the author treats the conversion
of the heathens as the ultimate goal and evaluates all the events
and characters from this point of view. However, in the beginning
of the 13th century there were several missionary forces (German,
Danish, Swedish and Russian) that tried to establish their power
over the lands of Livonia and Estonia. In regard to these Henry´s
chronicle is clearly one-sided, as it focuses on the German mission,
the centre of which was in Riga, and aims to describe the Rigan
mission as the only legitimate mission in this area.
The conquest of
Livonia and Estonia was part of the spread of Christianity to the
North, which had involved the successful missions to the Slavic
nations and to the Scandinavian kingdoms.
 Therefore Henry´s chronicle can be treated as part of the
tradition of Northern missionary chronicles, the most exemplary
works of which are the Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum
by Adam of Bremen (d. around 1085), Chronica Slavorum of
Helmold of Bosau (around 1120-1170) and Chronica Slavorum
by Arnold of Lübeck (d. around 1211-1214).  The chronicles were written by
clerics and missionaries and represent missionary ideology. Above
all, they stress the concerns related to conversion and the care
for the newly baptized people, as well as the opposition of secular
and clerical power. A stong emphasis on both the territorial and
spiritual interests of the church each author belongs to, is evident
in all the texts. Henry´s text shares all these features.
My analysis focuses
on one of the characteristics of Henry´s chronicle. Firstly, it
has a great number of quotations from the Vulgata and liturgical
texts. The total amount of them is about 1100, which is unique even
in the context of missionary chronicles. This results in a high
level of intertextuality as Henry´s own text is continuously interrupted
by biblical or liturgical words, sentences, and phrases. Some of
these quotations occur in the text repeatedly. Secondly, the chronicler´s
own language is also full of repetitions, as he uses similar phrases
and sentences for similar situations. I believe that an in depth
analysis of these textual elements, their function and dynamics
in the text would contribute significantly to the interpretation
of the text as a whole. 
For my study I
have chosen a small part of these repeated textual elements, focusing
on a group of biblical motifs of growth and fertility representing
the spread of Christianity.
I analyse five motifs,
which are used as allegorical images: vineyard (vinea), new
plantation (novella plantatio), sowing (semen seminare),
watering (rigare), and the feminine motif (mulier et mater).
I have sought
to combine textual and historical analysis, which has resulted in
structural and contextual analysis. Firstly, I focus on the allegorical
meanings and functions of each motif. I also study their mutual
relationships, showing that they create a complex and interlinked
textual unit, which takes part in structuring the text as a whole.
I claim that even though most of the motifs are in common use in
the missionary chronicles named above and in the papal letters,
Henry has shown great originality and ability in linking customary
images to unique situations and events.
In addition, I have
made a short contextual analysis, which aims at treating Henry’s
chronicle as a manifestation of missionary and religious ideas common
both to the time of religious renewal and the crusades. The analysis
partly relies on the studies of Caroline Walker Bynum, especially
in regard to the increase of feminine imagery in 12th and 13th century
religious writing. 
I agree with her claim, that
if we trace the networks of images built up by medieval authors and locate
those networks in the psyches and social experiences of those who
create or use them, we find that they reveal to us what the writers
cared about most deeply themselves and what they felt it necessary
to present or to justify to others.
I argue that the imagery studied here expresses
a tool for an early 13th century cleric to treat and give meaning
to the experiences of crusading and mission. To analyse it means
to analyse the needs, anxieties and expectations both attributed
to the crusade and influenced by the dynamic social and psychological
context of it.
The motifs studied
here are all part of similar imagery. Vineyard, plantation, sowing
and watering are related to the cultivation of land. To this group
I have added the feminine motif, as its use refers also to growth
and fertility. Already at this primary level of meaning the motifs
are linked with each other and create a loosely bound textual unit
operating with the notions of fertility, growth and cultivation.
The vineyard motif
The motif occurs in
the text seven times. Allegorically the vineyard signifies both
the newly baptized land and the young church in Riga (the centre
of missionary activity). The image is used to illustrate many key
concerns, like the establishment of the mission and the struggles
over land possessions with other missionary forces (the Danes and
Russians). The image is also applied to the missionaries, as they
are indirectly represented as vineyard workers. In the Bible their
work often signifies the work of good Christians in God’s vineyard,
i.e. in the world. The vineyard is also the symbol of the people
of Israel and emphasises the Lord’s concern and care for his people.
The motif is widely
used in various sources representing the mission to the North, most
outstandingly in the papal letters concerning the Northern and Baltic
crusades and in the above-mentioned missionary chronicles.
From Henry’s text we
l earn that in the early years of mission the bishop of Riga, Albert,
also wished “to extend the vines of the Lord’s vineyard among the
pagans“ (vinee Domini palmites extendere in gentibus).  Twenty years later, in 1225,
the papal legate Guillelmus of Modena already finds “the God’s vineyard
so gloriously planted /…/ and that it had grown so much and so far
that branches extended for a ten-day journey” (vineam Dei tam
gloriose plantatam /…/ et tantam et in tantum dilatatam invenit,
ut ramos suos ad decem dietas /…/ extenderet). 
Henry also uses the
image of “planted vineyard” (vinea plantata) to refer to
recently baptized lands and villages.  He even calls “the planting of the Lord’s
vineyard” the Rigans' main aim (vineam Domini plantandam).  In passages describing the strife between
the Rigan and Danish missions over Northern Estonia, the image becomes
part of the rhetoric used to support the Rigan claim.  We learn that the Rigan priest claim that the vineyard
(i.e. the baptized parts of Estonia) “has been planted by the
zeal of the pilgrims and the labor of the Rigans through the Blessed
Virgin’s banner” (vineam ipsam per vexillum beate Virginis
studio peregrinorum et Rigensium labore plantatam affirmarunt).  The Danish priests have come here as if “into a foreign harvest”
(quasi in alienam missem).  When the Danes tell the Rigans that they should “not to pluck
the hanging clusters of grapes” (ne racemos dependentes
bishop Albert answers that “the vineyard of the Estonian church
had been planted by his people for many years before the time of
the Danes` coming, it had been cultivated by the blood of many men
and by the many sufferings of war” (vineam ipsam Estiensis ecclesie
pluribus annis ante tempora Danorum a suis iam dudum plantatam,
sanguine multorum et bellorum incommodis multis excultam).
 Here the vineyard motif is linked to several dominant
ideas, like the legitimacy of the Rigan mission, the patronage of
the Virgin Mary and the hardships of missionary work. It is also
linked to other motifs of the above-described group, as we see later
The motif of the new plantation
Similarly the image
of the new plantation is used to describe the spread of Christianity
and the growth of the young church. The church in Riga is even called
“the church of the new plantation” (novellae plantationis ecclesia).
 However, the motif occurs in the text only three times.
At the beginning of
the mission it is said to be God’s wish “to strengthen the new plantation
of the Christian faith and to confirm peace to it all around” (novellam
plantacionem fidei christiane propagare et ei pacem ubique firmare).
 And in the last third of the chronicle bishop Albert is
still called to keep peace with his neighbours “until the new plantation
was firmly established; after that he could build a structure over
it” (donec novelle plantacioni firmum postmodum superedificaretur
edificum).  Hence the image expresses
wishes and expectations rather than results.
has shown in his “The Making of Europe: Colonisation, Conquest and
Cultural Change” that the image of the new plantation is rather
common in the texts that describe the spread of Christianity to
Eastern Europe. 
The centre of these descriptions is the time of conquest, which
is contrasted to the previous age of wilderness as the new age of
peace and order. Here the image of the new plantation is frequently
applied to new settlements and the cultivation of new lands. However,
in Henry’s text the image refers solely to the church and not to
the settlements, differing from the previous tradition.
The motif of sowing
The image of sowing
signifies primarily the spread of faith and preaching. The motif
occurs in the text seven times and it is used merely in the descriptions
of the events in which the chronicler himself had taken part. The
expression semen seminare originates from the parable of
the sower from the Gospels (Mt.13:3-9; Mk. 4:3-9,14-20; Lk. 8:4-7,11-15).
However, no clearer allusion to the parable can be perceived.
In 1206 Henry took
part in a missionary trip to the Livs, where they “sowed the word
of God” (seminato /…/ verbi Dei semine).
One of the priests decided to stay with the people, “to sow
the seed of the Gospel and to build a church” (semen
ewangelii seminare et ecclesiam /…/ edificare).  The others return to Riga, “commiting to the Lord the now
planted vineyard and sown field” (vineam iam plantatam
et agrum seminatum Domino commitens).
 Here both the images of vineyard and sowing represent
the results of the mission. Much later, in 1220, when Henry was
working as a missionary in Estonia, he says of himself that he went
to “sow the seed of Christian doctrine” (doctrine christiane
From the summer of
1225 until the summer of 1226 the papal legate Guillelmus of Modena
visited the newly baptized lands.  Henry was his attendant and translator throughout
the journey. 
We learn that the legate “sows the seed of the Gospels to all, taught
them [i.e. the neophytes] to bear good fruit” (semen ewangelicum
/…/ seminavit fructumque bonum referre docebat)  and that he “sowed the seed
of holy doctrine” (seminato doctrine sancte semine).  While leaving Livonia, he discovered that
Estonians had raided in Sweden and he exceptionally “sowed the word
of God” (verbum Dei seminavit) not to preach, but to take
revenge on them. 
The motif of watering
The motif is made up
of two verbs, rigare (to moisten) and irrigare (to
water). The alliterative association of these verbs with Riga enables
Henry to stress that Riga’s main aim is to baptize the heathens,
i.e. to water or moisten them with baptismal water.
In 1201 bishop Albert
established Riga as the new centre for mission in Livonia. The Livs
were said to have called the place Riga,
“either from Lake Riga, or from irrigation, since it is irrigated both from
below and from above. It is irrigated from below for, as they say,
it is well moistened in its waters and pastures; or since the plenary
remission of sins is administered in it to the sinners, the irrigation
from above, that is the kingdom of heaven is thus administered through
it, or in other words, Riga, refreshed by the water of the new faith
waters the neighbouring tribes round about through the holy font
( /…/, quam et Rigam appellant, vel a Riga lacu vel quasi irriguam, cum
habeat inferius irriguum ac irriguum superius. Irriguum inferius,
eo quod sit aquis et pascuis irrigua vel eo quod ministratur in
ea peccatoribus plenaria peccaminum remissio et per eam irriguum
superius, quod est regnum celorum, per consequens ministratur; vel
Riga nova fide rigata et quia per eam gentes in circuitu sacro baptismatis
fonte rigantur.) 
The motif frames the
whole text. For the first time it occurs in the opening verse of
the chronicle: “to water and to give the holiest heavenly gifts
to the land” (irrigui sacra donaque celicavult dare terra).
Finally, in the opening verse of the last paragraph the author can
rejoice over the fulfilment of their goal:
“Thus does Riga always water then nations! Thus did she now water Ösel in
the middle of the sea. By washing she purges sin and grants the
kingdom of the skies. She furnishes both the higher and the lower
(Sic, sic Riga semper rigat gentes! Sic maris in medio nunc rigat Osiliam,
Per lavacrum purgans vitium, dans regna polorum, Altius irriguum
donat et inferius).
Throughout the text
the motif is frequently used in the descriptions of missionary trips
and in the appeals to accept baptism, which were made to the heathens.
Altogether the motif occurs about thirty times.
What is interesting
is its relationship with the other images discussed above. It can
be followed in three passages, all describing events important to
the Rigan church. In 1220, a large-scale missionary trip to Estonia
took place. There the priests “sowed the seed of Christian doctrine
and watered the villages lying round about from the holy font of
regeneration” (incipientes /…/ doctrine christiane semina spargere,
villas circumiacentes sacro regenerationis fonte rigabant).  Hence the image of sowing is followed immediately by the image
of watering. The same year another mission to Estonia took place;
after finishing their journey the priests went back to Livonia and
“committed the vineyard they had planted and watered from the holy
font to God, who would make it grow” (vineam plantatam
et sacro fonte rigatam Deo, qui incrementum daturus erat, commintentes).  Here the events are given in their natural
order: first the vineyard is planted, then it is watered and finally
it starts to grow. This image appears once more, in a slightly different
way. When Guillelmus of Modena rejoices over “God’s vineyard”, it
is said that the vineyard is “watered with the blood of so many
of the faithful” (vineam Dei tam gloriose plantatam et ecclesiam
fidelium sanguine multorum irrigatam).  The blood refers to the sacrifices
made in the course of missionary work and to the martyrs; on the
other hand it is also linked to the watering and growth of plants,
i.e. the church and its members. Here the use of the watering motif
enables to bind all the above-discussed motifs together for a linked
and complex picture describing the missionary work and its effect
on the growth of the church.
Hence the Rigans are
presented as planters (the planters of the vineyard of God) and
sowers (the sowers of the word of God), as well as waterers. Together
with the image of baptized land and people as farmland, a dynamic
imagery is created for the whole process of conversion – as a process
As in the Bible, the
vineyard workers refer to the people of Israel and the sowers refer
to the apostles, the Rigans are here indirectly compared also with
the selected ones of both the Old and New Testament. This is in
accordance with one of the dominant ideas of the chronicle, according
to which God always acts through the hands of a few, i.e. through
the hands of the selected. In addition, the comparison of Riga with
Israel and/or the city of Jerusalem occurs in some other passages.
Even though Henry does not refer directly to the imitatio apostolorum
(a theme that had become more popular around his time), there also
are some references to the primal church and to the time of the
apostles in his text.
In general the imagery
of the above-mentioned motifs is rather clearly divided into two
parts, referring to the missionaries and crusaders as the active
and authoritative agents, as planters and sowers (i.e. cultivators),
and the baptized peoples as the passive and receptive agents, as
the land (i.e. the one being cultivated).
The feminine motif
The imagery of
growth and fertility attributed to the mission and young church
is also linked to feminine imagery. The feminine motif is used
to describe the Rigan church as a woman and a mother. The image
is based on a widely used allegory of the church as a woman and
a bride. Here the dominant image is that of a fertile woman, a mother
and a birth-giver.
There are two instances
of the image of a young birth-giving woman who is pursued by a dragon.
After a battle was lost to the Estonians in 1210 the church is described
“like a woman whom the dragon followed but did not overtake”
(tamquam /…/ mulier, quam draco persequitur, sed non opprimit).
 When in 1224 the Russian troops had caused many losses
to the Rigans, the church is said to be “like the woman in labor,
who has great sorrow and anguish until she gives birth, in pursuit
of her offspring there comes a dragon” (tamquam mulier pariens,
quam tristiciam et dolorem magnum habet, donec pariat; cuius eciam
partum draco persequitur).  The image originates from the Apocalypse: in general the woman
signifies humankind and the dragon demonic forces. On one hand the
image stresses the dangers and hardships that the building of a
new church in a foreign and hostile land has brought. The dragon
symbolises the external enemies and the woman giving birth symbolises
the pains and sacrifices the missionary church has to experience.
On the other hand it clearly emphasizes the active and productive
role of the Rigan church, as it refers to giving birth and fertility,
i.e. giving birth to a new church and extending her congregation.
The image is also connected
to the issues of authority and domination of the church over the
newly baptized people, describing their relationship as that between
a mother and her children. Hence, the rebel Livs were “still sanguinary
sons who tore at the breast of Mother church” (adhuc filii
sanguinarii, lacerantes ubera matris ecclesie). 
The issues of authority
and power rose again when the struggle over Estonian lands begins
with the Danes and the Russians. Here the image of a mother and
a daughter is used to stress the connections between the Livonian
and the Estonian church. The latter is described as the daughter
of the Livonian church, who has always been the “true and original
mother” of the Estonian church (vera et prima semper mater).  To say that the Rigan church has given birth
to the Estonian church “by the labor of conquest (per labores
expugnationis) and the washing of regeneration in the faith
of Jesus Christ” (que genuerat eam per lavacrum regenerationis
in fide Iesu Christi),  is to declare her rights to
Estonian lands. Yet it also emphasizes once more the fertility of
the Livonian church, which has ”to free her daughter, the Estonian
church, which she conceived by Jesus Christ” (ut ergo Lyvonensis
ecclesia filiam suam Estiensem ecclesiam, quam genuerat Iesu Christo,
Such rhetoric is necessary because of the “many mothers, indeed,
claimed this daughter falsely and always drew her to them by their
lies” (plures sibi matres falso filiam hanc usurpantes,
mentientes semper, attraxerint).
 One of the mothers is “the Russian mother, always sterile
and barren” (mater Ruthenica sterilis semper et infecunda).
 The other mother, here not directly referred to, is Danish.
However, in another passage Henry also refers to the infertility
of the Danish church. When the Danish queen dies during childbirth,
it is said that now
“the new church, which daily was to give birth to spiritual offspring and
which was at that time given over to the power of this king, would
undoubtedly be endangered for the period of his reign.”
(novellam ecclesiam, tunc in potestatem regis ipsius traditam, que paritura
erat cottidie prolem spiritualem, temporibus sui principatus indubitanter
Hence the Rigan church
is described as fertile (its productivity can only be disturbed
by alien interference, but it cannot be unfertile by itself) and
therefore legitimate. The other missions, by contrast, are considered
infertile (unable to give birth as they are, they can only try to
take a part in another’s harvest).
The triumph of the
Rigan mission is presented at the end of the chronicle, when the
Rigan priests rejoice over that they have “by the bath of regeneration
they were producing so many thousands of spiritual children for
the Lord and a beloved new spouse for God from among the heathen”
(eo quod Domino tot milia genuerunt per lavacrum regenerationis
prolem spiritualem, Deo dilectam sponsam novam ex gentibus).  Here the Livonian church has the image of
a young, fertile, birth-giving woman, who has many children. However,
this is also the only passage where the image of a woman is linked
to positive events, as in all other cases it is used to describe
the situations where hostile forces endanger Riga. This is also
the only passage where the female image is applied to the priests,
not to the church in general.
The use of the feminine
imagery is probably influenced by Henry’s claim that the Virgin
Mary was the patroness of the Livonian mission  and by the fact that her role
is steadily emphasized in the chronicle.
 This claim makes the feminine imagery even more easily
applicable to the Rigan church. The Virgin Mary herself is depicted
throughout the text as loving, tender, maternal, humane, and intimate,
which harmonizes well with the new image of Mary that developed
in the 12th century, especially among the Cistercians. However,
as a patroness of a crusade she has the especially active characteristics
as well, as she is to help the missionaries to give birth to a new
church and to protect the Rigans in military actions.
In general the feminine
imagery of the chronicle contains several images borrowed from uniquely
feminine experiences. However, as shown above, it focuses chiefly
on the active feminine roles, like giving birth and the need to
protect her child, symbolising the birthing to a new church. The
image of a birth-giving woman nevertheless involves also suffering
and pain. This signifies the hardships the mission had to undergo,
which is one of the dominant themes of the text, as shown above.
In contrast, Henry’s feminine imagery does not touch upon the more
passive role of nurturing or nursing (as compared to giving birth),
which is often seen in relationship with the concerns for pastoral
Such imagery is probably
influenced by its context, as the crusade and the mission give the
text a clear and vigorous context. It is dynamic, expanding, and
active. It is the time of expansion and fighting, not yet of settlement.
Hence his imagery is active and dynamic.
This is reflected also
in the maternal imagery of the church. It deals with the questions
of power and domination; it also supports the authoritativeness
and legitimacy of the new institution. In this aspect the feminine
imagery is similar to the active role applied to authoritative male
figures, the missionary priests represented as planters and sowers.
In conclusion, the
motifs of planting, sowing and watering in the new vineyard, the
plantation of God and the motif of feminine fertility form complex
textual units which deal mainly with the dynamics of the mission
and are linked to the dominant themes of the chronicle. They are
used for describing the spread of Christianity and the legitimacy
of the Rigan mission. Therefore they contribute significantly to
the image of the newly founded Rigan church and through quotations
from religious texts they link the history of the Rigan church with
the sacred history of Scripture. The motifs also form an independent
whole in the text and show that the old beliefs relating to growth
and fertility survive in medieval religious culture.
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separatim editi 31. Ed. Leonid Arbusow and Albert Bauer. Hahnsche
Buchhandlung, Hannover 1955. For a translation into German see
Heinrich von Lettland. Livländische Chronik. Ausgewählte quellen
zur Deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters. Trans. Albert Bauer.
Freiherr von Stein Gedächtnisgabe 24. Darmstad 1959.
 For a general overview of the Baltic crusades see Christiansen
1997, pp. 93-104, 109-13; Kala 2001; Bysted et al. 2004, pp. 160-188.
For the discussion on defining the Northern and Baltic campaigns
as crusades see, for example Riley-Smith 2002, especially pp.
17-8; Tyerman 1998, especially pp. 33-5.
 See Bauer 1955, p. vi
 For a general overview see Bartlett 1993; Christiansen
 Adamus Bremensis, Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum.
Ed. B. Schmeidler. Hannover 1917. Helmoldi presbyteri Bozoviensis
Chronica Slavorum = Helmold von Bosau. Slawenchronik. Ed.
and trans. Heinz Stoob. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt
1963. Arnoldi Chronica Slavorum ex recensione J.M. Lappenbergii.
In usum scholarum ex monumentis Germaniae historicis separatim
editi 14. Ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz. Hannover 1968. For a recent
study on these chronicles see Scior 2002.
 For the quotations and other often repeated textual elements
in Henry´s text, see Hildebrand 1865, Bilkins 1928, Arbusow 1950,
Arbusow 1951, Bauer 1955, p. xxxv, Undusk 1990.
 See Bynum 1984; Bynym 1987; Bynum 1991.
 Is. 5:1-7 and elsewhere often in the Vulgata.
All the biblical references refer to the Vugata.
 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae (HCL) IX.7;
quotations from Ezek. 17:7; Ps. 79:12.
 HCL XXIX.2; Ezek.17:7.
 Ps.107:37; Is. 65:21 and elsewhere in the Vulgata
and liturgical texts. HCL X.14; XXIV.5.
 For recent studies on the strife between the Rigan and
the Danish missions see Nyberg 1983; Nyberg 1998; Nielsen 2001;
Lind et al. 2004.
 HCL XXIV.2; Lev. 19:10; Deut. 24:21.
 HCL XXIX.8; Ps. 143:12.
 HCL XXIV.4; I Cor. 3:10; Eph. 2:20.
 Bartlett 1994, pp. 152-6, 352-3. The motif occurs especially
often in the chronicle of Helmold of Bosau.
 This must have been one of the most interesting periods
in Henry´s life, and it has even been assumed that Henry wrote
his chronicle for Guillelmus, or at least the legate inspired
him to take on the task of writing it. See Johansen 1953, p. 17.
 HCL XXIX.3; Lk. 8:5-15.
 HCL IV.5; Josh. 15:19, I Cor 3:6.
 HCL XXX.6; Josh 15:19.
 HCL XXIV.5; I Cor.3:6.
 HCL XIV.8; Rev. 12:13.
 HCL XXVIII.4; Josh. 16:21, Rev. 12:4,13.
 HCL XVI.1. For the imagery of breasts as the sign of
blood, milk and the euchachrist, and as a symbol of Christ, the
Virgin Mary and hence the church as the nurturer of humankind
see Bynum 1991, pp. 102-8 and for applying the image of nurturing
to the issues of authority and leadership see Bynum 1984, especially
 HCL XXVIII.4; Tit. 3:5, I Cor. 4:15.
 HCL XXVIII.5; I Cor. 4: 15.
 HCL XXVIII.4; Ex. 23:26.
 HCL XXX.5; Tit. 3:5.
 We do not have any other contemporary sources that would
support this claim; hence many questions related to the Virgin
Mary´s role and position as the patroness of the Rigan church
still remain unanswered. However, dedicating the conquered lands
to the Virgin Mary is by no means exceptional, rather it was typical
to the frontier societies of that time. Similar processes of dedicating
most of the major churches in newly conquered land to the Mother
of God took place in late medieval Spain (MacKay 1989, pp. 230-1,
237-8). For an analysis on “the Mariological frontier” in Livs,
see Jensen, forthcoming. For the application of female imagery
on liminal situations (as we can also consider frontier experiences
one of these) see Bynum 1991: 27-51.
 Much is still to be done in studying the image of the
Virgin Mary in the chronicle. Most of the studies have been very
general on this matter; however, Leonid Arbusow has done some
textual analysis concerning the representation of the Virgin Mary
in Henry´s text (Arbusow 1951, pp. 64-74). See also Arbusow 1950;
Johansen 1953; Tarvel 1987.